Turkey Media Roundup (December 23)

[Protesters in front of the Zaman building, Istanbul, 14 December 2014. Image by Sadik Gulec / Shutterstock.com] [Protesters in front of the Zaman building, Istanbul, 14 December 2014. Image by Sadik Gulec / Shutterstock.com]

Turkey Media Roundup (December 23)

By : Turkey Page Media Roundup Editors

[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on Turkey and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Turkey Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week`s roundup to turkey@jadaliyya.com by Sunday night of every week.]

English

Zaman Newspaper Raid

Turkey Issues Arrest Warrant for US-Based Erdoğan Foe This article provides useful background about the Zaman raid and the tensions between the Turkish government and the Gülen movement.

What Is This Fight For? Emre Uslu argues that the Zaman arrests are partially due to the government’s support for al-Qaeda and ISIL.

A New Blow to Democracy and Press Freedom According to Semih İdiz, the Zaman raid will not besmirch Turkey, but rather the AKP and its “New Turkey” project.

Why Are Turkish Journalists, Again, Detained? (1) - (2) - (3) Mustafa Akyol explains the specific claims being lodged against the journalists who were detained in the Zaman raid: namely, that they are part of the media wing of a violent Islamic organization.

Erdoğan Shoots Himself in Foot on Anniversary of Graft Probe Examining the EU’s responses to the graft probe, Murat Yetkin suggests that Erdoğan and the AKP have departed from their approach to Europe twelve years ago.

Journalism Now a Crime under Erdoğan Dictatorship Bülent Keneş argues that the lack of legal grounds for arresting journalists means that Turkey is no longer a democracy sustained by the rule of law.

Erdoğan Showing His True, Authoritarian Colors According to Cengiz Çandar, the arrest of the editor-in-chief of Zaman portends a much greater turn away from democracy toward authoritarianism.

Taking Sides Cafer Solgun claims that the ruling party uses the language of "extraordinary times" to legitimize any and all of its actions.

Erdoğan`s Fear İhsan Yılmaz writes that the supposed checks and balances meant to ensure democracy in Turkey are no longer effective, and that the only thing keeping Erdoğan’s authoritarianism in check is Turkey’s economic dependence on the West.

Is Spying an Issue of Freedom of Speech? Tulu Gümüştekin argues that the crackdown on Gülenist journalists is rooted in national security threats rather than concerns of freedom of expression.

The Freedom of the Press Etyen Mahçupyan claims that the current proceedings against Gülenist journalists are an attempt to address the Gülen movement’s unfair influence on legal proceedings in the past, rather than an attempt to undermine press freedom.

A Movement against Peace and Democracy Cemil Ertem speculates that the Gülen movement has been trying to prevent Turkey’s ascent in the Middle East and the world.

When Journalists Get Involved in an Illegal Dirty War İlnur Çevik argues that the Gülenist journalists were engaged in a campaign against a rival religious movement and were arrested for their attempts to “finish off” that movement.

The Latest Signs of the Coming Catastrophe Nuray Mert criticizes those on the left who see the crackdown on the Gülen movement as “the fulfillment of justice” and claims that the breakdown of the rule of law in Turkey is an omen of even further authoritarianism.

"New Turkey"

New Life and Politics in Turkey: Living in Limbo Nuray Mert argues that the historical-religious mission of New Turkey does not recognize the legitimacy of democracy or the rule of law, but instead envisions Turkey as the “unbounded Prometheus” of the Middle East.

Erdoğan Continues to Consolidate Power (1) - (2) Semih İdiz claims that little stands in the way of Erdoğan’s efforts to continue transforming the parliamentary structures of power.

If Only… Beril Dedeoğlu criticizes the relentless ambition of the Turkish government and the transformation of the judiciary into a political tool for quashing dissent.

When the US, the EU, and Others Are Made Uncomfortable Ali Yurttagül claims that the AKP’s domestic and foreign policies “seem to be aimed at burning bridges.”

The Assad-ization of Erdoğan İhsan Yılmaz compares the contemporary political atmosphere in Turkey with that of pre-war Syria.

Critics Condemn AKP`s Tough Police Overhaul Proposals According to Metin Turcan, the AKP’s new security bill has been criticized for potentially allowing the state and the police to apply the law arbitrarily and harshly.

The New Free Turkey Yusuf Kanlı criticizes the imposition of family values in broadcast regulations and links those regulations to the government’s crackdowns on press freedom.

What Does Arınç`s Visit to HAK-PAR Mean? Orhan Miroğlu suggests that the government’s engagement with actors other than the HDP in the peace process pulls in other segments of Kurdish society and strengthens the prospects for peace.

Economy

Taking Measures Becomes Tougher as Unemployment Rises in Turkey According to Erdal Sağlam, unemployment rates in Turkey were expected to rise, but the government was nonetheless unprepared to address them.

Turkish Lira Hit by Domestic, Foreign Factors Güneş Kömürcüler examines how recent developments in Turkey, along with volatile geopolitical relations between Europe, Turkey, and Russia, have made the value of the lira plummet to record lows.

Heading Toward the Inescapable İbrahim Türkmen suggests that a lack of democratic values will inevitably lead to the collapse of the Turkish economy.

Thanks to the Strong Women in Turkey`s Economy… Gila Benmayor examines prospects for women’s participation in the economy in the wake of Turkey’s low rating on the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap report.

Turkish Economy Living on Borrowed Time According to Emre Deliveli, although Turkey will likely benefit from the fall in global oil prices, without serious structural reform, it will not be able to move beyond its current low growth rates.

Turkish Economy Robust Enough to Withstand Fluctuations Sadık Ünay argues that fluctuations in the economy are not related to recent political developments in Turkey, but are rather part of larger global anxieties.

Foreign Policy

Turkey and the EU: Neither with nor without Each Other Joost Lagendijk writes about the stalled relations between Turkey and the EU, suggesting alternative visions for Turkey’s EU accession.

Erdoğan Has No Right to Deprive Turkish People of EU Membership Serkan Demirtaş argues that the Zaman raid and the ongoing threats to press freedom are damaging Turkey’s ostensible EU bid.

Let the Energy Games Start Mustafa Aydın explores the politics behind Russia’s recent announcement that it will shelf the South Stream project to transport natural gas to Europe in favor of building a pipeline that goes through Turkey.

Erdoğan: Best Buddy of Putin and Ally of Obama? Murat Yetkin examines the tensions of Turkey’s relationship with the West as it begins to build closer relations with Russia and Vladimir Putin.

A Crisis between Turkey and the EU Tulu Gümüştekin suggests that recent criticisms of Turkey by EU officials are damaging the Turkish public’s desire to enter the EU.

Why Doesn`t Erdoğan Care about the EU? Gökhan Bacık comments upon Erdoğan’s growing distance from and hostility towards the West and the EU.

Other Pertinent Pieces

The Jews and Anatolia: 2,500 Years of History Niki Gamm examines the history of Jewish communities in the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires.

Turkish

Zaman Newspaper Raid

Tutuklamalar (1) - (2) Murat Belge argues the framing of the Zaman arrests as prevention of a coup attempt is illogical and calls for a unified opposition despite the apparent lack of sympathy against the Zaman group.

Susma sustukça Cafer Solgun states that being in solidarity with Zaman journalists is a must to be consistent in one’s advocacy for democracy and freedom of the press.

Erdoğanizm cemaat ve otoriter maskeli vodvil Ahmet İnsel purports that solidarity with Zaman journalists should be based on democratic principles, not on pragmatist intentions.

Zaman`a operasyon AK Parti`nin dönüm noktası olacak According to Murat Yetkin, the ticket to the parliament in AKP ranks will not be earned by loyalty to the party but to Erdoğan in the next elections.

Kimseden demokrasi dersi alacak değiliz, tersine herkesten demokrat tavır bekliyoruz (1) - (2) Nuray Mert invites all democratic segments of society to oppose the Zaman arrests, which she perceives to be a cover-up and retaliation for the corruption allegations put forth against the government.

Siyasal islamin demokrasiyle imtihanı According to Fatih Polat, although journalists with conservative agendas—including Zaman—do not have a clear history of journalism, the actors behind the Zaman raid today constitute a threat to all.

"Özgür Basin" ne demek? Burcu Karakaş inquires into what is meant by the “freedom of press” in Turkey, citing examples from recent history.

Yarım ağızla konuşmayalım (1) - (2) Hayko Bağdat invites Zaman supporters to internalize the informal rules of being in opposition to the government, while calling for a unified stance against the breach of freedom of the press.

Olup biteni nasıl anlamalı According to Ali Bulaç, the “operation” against the Gülen movement as concretized in the Zaman arrests is a NATO operation that benefits the KCK and the “deep state” actors (i.e. Ergenekon).  

Asıl `darbeci`ler kimlerdir? Altan Oymen criticizes the pattern of labelling all political cases as “coup attempts.”

Demokrasi sizlere ömür Yusuf Keleş lists the reasons why the principle of the state of law no longer operates in Turkey.

Yolsuzluk ve darbe Ayhan Bilgen problematizes the juxtapositioning of the allegations of a coup attempt and corruption within the government.

17-25 Aralık yolsuzluk haftası Ender İmrek states that people will not forget about the corruption allegations just because the information uncovered was leaked through illegitimate means.

Özgür basın? Rıdvan Turan, who had been charged with being a member of a “terrorist organization” when the Gülen movement members were believed to operate similar investigations, does not agree with the calls to stand in solidarity with the Zaman journalists.

Gecmiş kinleri kusma değil, medya özgürlüğü için dayanışma günü According to Hakan Aksay, it is a day for solidarity, not a day for expressing grudges and rage.

Demokrasi ve özgürlük hırsızları Hasan Cemal expresses his uncompromising support for Zaman and Samanyolu journalists.

Gazetecilere yönelik dün ve bugünkü operasyonlara farklı ve çelişkili bakışlar Ruşen Çakır carefully analyzes the (in)consistencies regarding the support for the former political prosecutions of journalists and today’s arrests.

Basın özgür olsun ki gerçekler açığa çıksın Murat Yetkin explains why freedom of the press is indispensable by comparing the past record of Zaman journalists and the journalism today that problematizes the details of current investigation.

Yeni Türkiye ve cemaatçi demokrasi According to Ergün Yıldırım, the Gülen movement does not operate within democratic parameters and is self-serving when it comes to democratic demands.

"New Turkey"

Dert Hadi Uluengin criticizes Erdoğan’s and his supporters’ dismissal of the EU accession process as a digression from democracy.

Erdoğan: Putin`le kanka, Obama`yla muttefik Murat Yetkin explains how Erdoğan is able to be allies with the US and and friends with Putin simultaneously through the dynamics of the politics in the region.

Bu kavga ne zaman biter? Amberin Zaman asks whether the government’s continued punishment of dissent will ever come to an end.

Hükümet gibi adam Sezin Öney lists the similarities between Erdoğan and Putin in terms of personal characteristics and political preferences.

Makul değil olağan şüpheliler Murat Sevinç lists the apparent contradictions between the constitution and political practice in Turkey.

Türk demokrasisi, TTIP ve `kahrolsun Batı` Gönül Tol analyzes Turkey’s efforts to be included in a free trade agreement with the USA and the EU in view of its growing authoritarian tendencies.

Rusya`nın peşinde, "çöküş" yönünde Cengiz Çandar argues that Turkey’s turn away from Europe, following in Putin’s footsteps, will lead to economic and social collapse.

Şimdi ne yapmalı ve ne yapmamalı Joost Lagendijk worries about the future of EU-Turkey accession talks in relation to recent developments, including the arrests of Zaman journalists.

Peace and Reconciliation Process

Cemil Bayık`tan hükümete sert mesaj: Kürtleri oyalarlarsa ayaklanırız Cemil Bayık states that if the government dropped the peace talks from its agenda, they would rise up against it.

Çözümü hızlandıracak gelişmeler Ayhan Bilgen argues that changes in the HDP’s political agenda directed towards recruiting votes from other parties could facilitate the peace process by strengthening democracy.

Foreign Policy

Diklene diklene yuvarlanmak Fehim Taştekin analyzes Erdoğan’s frequently occurring dismissal of the EU and the possible repercussions of such dismissal.

Turkiye ve AB: Ne seninle ne sensiz Joost Lagendijk depicts the reactions from the EU countries regarding the arrests of Turkish journalists.

Turkiye, AB`den vazgeçemez Ali Yurttagül compares the state of Turkey-EU relations ten years ago and now.

Other Pertinent Pieces

Merve Kavakçı Meclise Başörtüsüyle Girince... (1) - (2) - (3) - (4) - (5) -  (6) - (7) - (8) Bianet’s comprehensive series chronicling the 1990’s rights struggles in Turkey continues, including the case of Merve Kavakci and the veiling ban, Leyla Zana’s Kurdish oath in the parliament, Saturday Mothers, and others.

Durmadan çalışmak sağlığı bozar Eris Bilaloğlu discusses the possibility of a “healthy life” in a country which ranks the worst in the work-life balance, with an over forty-five-hour work per week.

‘Gerçek sorumlular hâlâ yargılanmadı’ Eda Yıldırım’s interview with Mehmet Güvel, a survivor of the Bayrampaşa prison massacre “Hayata Dönüş.”

Bir utanc davasinin anatomisi Hürrem Sönmez gives the history of the Pınar Selek trial that had its fourth acquittal in sixteen years.

Published on Jadaliyya

The Shoebox Is on the Other Foot: Turkey`s Year of Retaliation

Soma, Ermenek, Yirca: Can Anti-Coal Activists Defend Coal Miners and Olive Farmers?

`Nefes alamiyorum`: Baskaldirinin farkinda misiniz?

Expropriation, Lawlessness, and Resistance in Yirca`s Olive Groves: An Interview with Olcay Bingol and Deniz Bayram

Yerellik ve Evrensellik arasinda Rojava deneyimi

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The Chronicle of Higher Education Interviews Jadaliyya Co-Founder Bassam Haddad

The following interview was conducted by Ursula Lindsey with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Bassam Haddad in preparation for a feature about Jadaliyya for The Chronicle of Higher Education. The feature was published on 29 September 2014 and can be accessed by clicking here.

Ursula Lindsey (UL): Could you send me any statistics on the readership of Jadaliyya? I would like to get a sense of the overall size of the readership, and how it is geographically distributed.

Bassam Haddad (BH): We have become much less interested in numbers after having passed an important threshold in 2013, but we do not totally ignore them! Unfortunately (because one would like to see an alternative), the best indicator of the growth and expansion of readership has been “Facebook Reach,” which increased from around fifty thousand per week during the first six months in 2010–2011, to one million in 2012–2013, and surpassed 2.3 million in 2014. We actually stopped monitoring such numbers as closely, but know that our social media and classroom presence continues to increase steadily as our Facebook followers have surpassed 130,000. These followers are pretty active in circulating our content, and constitute a large part of how Jadaliyya content is disseminated. Twitter is another indicator. However, we refrain from tweeting too much, as shown by our tweets-to-followers ratio—which is perhaps among the highest (9900 tweets and twenty-seven thousand followers), at about thirty percent. The closest we have seen in our field is about forty-five to fifty percent. This reflects the extent to which each post/article, and/or tweet, is generating interest. It is important to note that our Arabic reading audience, world-wide but mainly in the region itself, has quadrupled since 2011, and now constitutes almost thirty to thirty-five percent of our readership, a testimony to how local informed readers elect to turn to Jadaliyya frequently—largely because our writers on local matters are either writing from the region or are intimately connected with the region.

As to other forms of tracing numbers, such as unique visitors, they seem quite inconsistent because the extent to which Jadaliyya is read not only via Android, iPhone, and iPad apps, but also because of the unusually large level of circulation of PDFs via huge email lists (which we are on and we see!) and, most importantly, its ubiquitous presence on syllabi (for instance, our unique visitors to the site hover around 500,000 a month, while most read Jadaliyya off line via email, PDF, or apps). Our Middle East scholars/educators/researchers list, now combined with that of Tadween Publishing, our sister organization, tops eight thousand engaged Jadaliyya readers who are increasingly assigning material from Jadaliyya.

The reason this happens is not only because we have good content. There is plenty good content if one searches the net carefully. Rather, it because of four very specific reasons: first, our good content has a long shelf-life, an outcome that is built into the editorial process; second, Jadaliyya content serves as an explicit resource or reference, through twelve topical and country/region-specific Media Roundups, profiles and archival posts for reference use, as well as weekly pedagogical reviews of new books, films, documentaries, art exhibits, and relevant social media items; third, Jadaliyya, in conjunction with Tadween’s blog, has become the space that most educators/researchers constantly visit for matters related to academic freedom, publishing, and higher education in the region as well as the United States and Europe; finally, our Jadaliyya content is selectively tapped to produce books and pedagogical publications that are published by Tadween Publishing and other publishers like Palgrave and Pluto Press, giving more gravity, and more longevity, to Jadaliyya content. One important source of such readers is JADMAG, of which we have so far produced five issues geared to educators, and chock-full of resources that are compiled and categorized at the end of each issue. (see www.JadMag.org or www.TadweenPublishing.com for more information). 

This source of readership is constantly expanding as Jadaliyya seems to be the only available site for such content (now quadro-lingual), and is our litmus test and what keeps us on our toes from day to day. The reason we emphasize this source in relation to numbers and quality is because the population of students reading Jadaliyya material based on educators’ choices is increasing exponentially at times, and serves as our most consistent source of readership with time especially that newcomers from that sphere become loyal readers. 

It is no surprise that the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) consistently sends us their critical public letters to publish when they want to reach the broader academic and research/journalist communities, including beyond the United States. It is not something you see consistently on any other website. And this applies to various other organizations that would like to reach the same expansive cohort (based in the United States, Europe, or the Middle East), including the new Arab Council for the Social Sciences (ACSS).

Our colleague and professor of Arabic literature at Brown University, Elias Muhanna, who also runs his own popular blog, Qifa Nabki, commented openly at a conference that he does not know a professor teaching the modern Middle East who does not have a variety of Jadaliyya articles on their syllabi—an honor that ranges from rare to unique when it comes to similar online publications. 

UL: We discussed stories that caused particularly strong debates, and you mentioned the critique of DAM`s video. Are there any other pieces that sparked debates?    

BH: Just to clarify, this last piece sparked more than a debate, as some folks where actually unhappy with the approach—though we are still in good communication with the concerned parties (e.g., DAM) given our approach to the matter. The pieces that sparked debate, discussion, and the like are actually many, and I am not sure it would be fair to single out a handful. However, the notable pieces that drew heated debates and attention revolve around the July coup in Egypt, or around the nature of the Syrian uprising. But this is almost a continuous variable, and still sparks heated discussions that reflect the polarization on these matters among concerned publics. Nonetheless, we continue to get serious engagement—even if sometimes a bit over the top—from detractors on various topics, from Palestine and Syria, to articles on sexuality, Islam, and even literature and film. The fact that detractors of the entire publication continue to engage and critique reveals a sense of legitimacy that even this cohort associate with Jadaliyya. For a critical publication, this is priceless, and we think we will fail if we do not maintain that level of quality and legitimacy.

UL: What are the most common criticisms or suggestions for improvement your get? Do you think they are valid? Where do you see room for improvement? When I last saw Jadaliyya Co-Editor Sinan Antoon in Cairo, he said, for example, he thought the site might publish less so as to focus more on the quality of the writing. 

BH: Oh, dear, there are all kinds, and so many of which come from us, the editors, given that various page teams are relatively autonomous. Our position on critique is simple: we ignore any critique at our own peril. This does not mean that all criticisms are equally valid. They are not. It does, however, mean that we take them seriously and assume their validity until we can illustrate otherwise to ourselves and to others. In most instances, critiques do include a modicum of validity, and our responsiveness to nearly every single significant line of critiques (based on a compilation) is the reason we keep growing in quality and numbers. We surely miss some, and we surely make mistakes even in assessing critiques—but these represent a minority of cases within our practice. Based on what we have heard, we see room for improvement in soliciting even more writing from the region; in working harder to get more pieces from the scene, on intractably controversial matters, like Syria; and we agree that we, like any successful publication, can get too comfortable with its status quo of readership and contributors. But questions like yours, and internal discussions based on similar observations, push us on a quarterly basis to make a deliberate and explicit effort to reach out. This is in fact why we dramatically expanded the Arabic section (in terms of readership and contributors) during the past two years. 

All in all we operate on a five-year plan of sorts (despite the problematic association with five-year plans). At this point, as we are still in our fourth year, we are establishing ourselves as a serious and perhaps the go-to publication for informed readership. But you will soon see some changes that will expand our scope and spice things up a bit in a productive direction, at a time when we need not worry as much about the basics and daily operations. Our challenge, actually, is to maintain the essentially voluntary-based nature of Jadaliyya. Therefore, much of what we have focused on during the first years of establishment involves building the best team there is, or what we think is such, under these circumstances. It is a continuing challenge, but it has been working since 1992 when the parent organization, the Arab Studies Journal, started.

As to the question of quantity verses quality, we exercise a mean purge every quarter, precisely to avoid the false impression that quantity is synonymous with quality. Surely, we fail here and there. However, the one development since 2013 has been the reduction of the output rate—which we view as having been somewhat unavoidable as this is how you connect with new readership and contributors in the early stages—from about 175 pieces per month to about 110-120 (though this includes all posts and reports, etc.). But this challenge continues, and—frankly—we hold ourselves to standards that are not observed in comparable publications that either focus on one country, or one approach (e.g., Foreign Policy), or one audience, or one language, or one discipline, etc. So we have to make up our own standards for a new kind of publication. All this takes time, and we welcome any criticism that allows us to meat our challenge. We are not sensitive to productive critique at all! We will fail without it. 

UL: You mention detractors of the site—any examples?

BH: Every new initiative gives rise to critics, and that is a good thing. What is interesting about Jadaliyya’s critics, most of them at least, is that they critique and stick around for the most part—largely because of what they tell us verbatim at times: “We expect more from Jadaliyya,” or something of the sort. Now the question of who these critics are depends on the issue, and often our biggest critics on one topic are our biggest fans on another. Syria is a good example where we get flack from both pro-opposition corners and anti-opposition corners, but you would find avid readers of other Jadaliyya pages among both varieties. Do we have critics that do not think Jadaliyya is worth reading at all? You bet! There is very little we can do to convince those voices otherwise. Having said all of that, the fact is that Jadaliyya has filled a gap and presented a centrifugal force around which critics of mainstream discourse on the region in the United State and beyond hover. That in and of itself has generated detractors. 

UL: It seems to me that Jadaliyya has a pretty clear, consistent identity, both in its politics and its theoretical orientations. The people who edit and write it are generally the same age and peer group, and many have known each other for a long time. Do you think you have a wide enough variety of views? Do you feel like Jadaliyya has been able to spark debates outside of a community of like-minded contributors and readers? 

BH: [One factual note: the editors and contributors are by no means of similar age or belong to similar social circles—not after 2011, regarding the latter comment, and have never been, regarding the former comment. We have had more than a thousand contributors and the Jadaliyya team surpasses eighty people living in different countries now. Any cursory view of any fifty consecutive posts reveals a variety that easily surpasses most comparable publications. As for views, it is a political challenge, not always a question of diversity. See below.]

This is the one-million dollar question. Yes, any good publication must struggle with this dialectic of building a readership based on a particular kind/nature of knowledge production, but then expanding it to attract new readership and contributors while retaining the reason for its success. Are we guilty of not doing this perfectly? Absolutely. Have we gone far beyond most other publications to allow for serious internal differences and reach out to new and alternative views? Absolutely. But that does not exhaust the question. As mentioned above, we are in the building stage, and we view a good part of the shortcomings as related byproducts. However, this is one of our fundamental goals as we enter and complete our fifth year, and it will not come without its risks, risks we are very happy to take. Most importantly in reference to sparking discussion or debates, Jadaliyya articles have been written about and discussed in conferences and in social media in ways that have actually jump-started broader research questions and helped set research agendas—not to mention the impact of Jadaliyya on the carriers of junior writers who make their debut there and then get picked up by other institutions who are hiring, paying, and producing knowledge. The list is pretty long.

Having said that, two comments are relevant here. First, we are not and do not pretend to be an open forum for all views. Though I suspect you recognize that and you are not asking about why we do not highlight and invite problematic (racist, sexist, classist, etc. writers), but rather, from within the perspective we support, we may still afford more variety—and that is totally fair, and the above addresses our need to meet this challenge in increasingly better ways.

The second comment is political, and refers to the context within which Jadaliyya and other publications emerged in recent years. We see ourselves as a counter-discourse in relation to the dominant and quite entrenched discourse on the Middle East in the United States primarily, but also beyond. We also see ourselves in the same manner in relation to the petro-media empire of some Arab states. In this context, we are trying to provide an alternative reference point for sound daily analysis on the region. To establish that difficult reality and standard, we have had to be more focused on consistency and quality, sometimes at the expense of maximum diversity. So, we are not, per se, seeking diversity of “views” in the absolute sense, which is a matter/goal that speaks more to liberal concerns that are often divorced from realities of power and its direct relation to dominant discourses. However, where we have room to improve on this particular point, which is how we understand your question, is to establish even more diversity “within” the “general” perspective we endorse. And, yes, we do have some work to do in that respect, but not always for lack of trying. We are fighting an uphill battle and we also have to pay attention to the challenge of dragging everyone along while expanding this spectrum (i.e., the million-dollar challenge/question above). The years ahead will speak louder than any words regarding our genuine interest in making this happen within the context of a counter-discourse movement.

Also, we do not pay our writers, and this restricts us by excluding many careerist writers who might have provided a diversity of sorts despite differing views.

Finally, it is important to note that beyond the essentials, we have ongoing viewpoint disagreements within Jadaliyya regarding content and particular pieces. We think it is a testament to the absence of a rigid conception regarding which particular views are welcome.

UL: Finally, there is an argument that young academics should focus on scholarly work and publication and not "waste" their ideas and time on writing for web sites and other venues. How do you respond to that? 

BH: We totally agree in principle, considering the kind of online publications and quality that proliferates. And whereas we would give the same advice, we cannot ignore the fact that the strategic position of Jadaliyya within the academic community can be a plus for rising academics who would like to be read and heard. Last year alone, several folks within and outside Jadaliyya remarked to us how valuable their Jadaliyya contributions were in capturing the attention of employers/academics in the hiring process. This semi-exception is borne out of the fact that Jadaliyya has indeed become the go-to place for academics generally, despite what this or that observer can say, sometimes legitimately, about the quality of this or that post. We just have to make sure that this continues to be kept to a minimum in the coming five, or ten, years!

So, in short, it depends. In the case of Jadaliyya, publishing there can be used strategically to enhance one’s chances of getting an academic job. We used to think that this was not the case before we were told otherwise by employers and during academic interviews. Used properly, it can be a plus, and this is not confined to Jadaliyya, as there are a number of quality publications out there. The world is changing, and the academic community is following suit, even if at a few steps behind.

UL: Are you planning on publishing anything soon on Obama`s war on ISIS?

BH: Yes, we have published a number of pieces addressing the rise and nature of ISIS, in both Arabic and English, and, beginning the week of 22 September, our fourth anniversary incidentally, we are publishing a regular media roundup specifically on ISIS-related articles. Stay tuned!